Britain's finance minister has approached this week's financial plan similar to a reluctant bather creeping into cold water, endeavoring to lessen the discomfort through gradual immersion.
The chancellor started tackling the problem of inadequate funds towards the close of the summer months. Initially, she would not to stand by earlier insistence that tax rises in the previous year's financial statement would be the last ones.
Later, earlier this month, she took a bolder stride into the icy waves. Her address committed to "take required actions" to support government services and maintain debt expenses under control.
Within 10 days, the Treasury had retracted the implication. The election promise still stood ultimately. Like every cold-water swimmer realizes, this aborted plunge and trembling withdrawal is the worst of all techniques. No tactic extends the pain like hesitation.
It's hard to be firm when selecting between levels of internally generated damage.
Expectation has not been a successful strategy for this government. Central of the Labour leader's election bid was the futile belief of somehow fulfilling citizens' call for better government services without overturning billions of pounds of Conservative tax cuts.
At no point has either Starmer or the chancellor effectively conveyed a feeling of national purpose to validate all this difficulty. Partly that is a challenge of personality appeal. Both leaders are strikingly alike in their communicative deficiency, stilted and reserved in a way that repels the public off instead of drawing them in.
In the same way that electoral expectations to support government services has compelled the Treasury to admit that revenue must rise, the commercial requirement of improving growth makes it increasingly difficult to ignore the expense of disconnection from the EU market.
The government spent a period experimenting in the shallow end of closer ties with the European Union: plans to end customs checks on agricultural goods; a young people's exchange program. Aspiration went a further on energy, defence and security cooperation, but nothing of substance has to date been signed.
In the absence definite guidance and drive from No 10, talks are stuck. EU officials says single-market privileges are obtained with payments to the European funds. Government representatives know that's the agreement. That doesn't make them keen for a open dispute and campaigners howling betrayal over any cost ends up being paid.
Economic reality has provoked some adjustment in Labour's tone on the European question. Reeves has begun naming Brexit alongside the Covid pandemic as a reason of financial harm that the finance ministry is striving to address. Cabinet members have done the same, although they cautiously ascribe the blame to "poor negotiation terms" or "the way we left", never just "Brexit".
The challenge of the nation's future relationship with the EU can't be reduced to administrative modifications and border mechanisms when the global political landscape is in significant transformation. Given everything that has transpired since 2016, it feels appropriate still to be posing the fundamental issue: were the UK's priorities advanced by exiting the EU?
These represent cold, uncomfortable realities about the nation's situation in choppy global circumstances. It is understandable that Starmer and Reeves flinch from the responsibility. It would take them outside their comfort zone, into forces that they cannot resist. So instead they persist nervously walking the water's edge, wishing that maybe soon the circumstances will turn.